Concepts of Non-Provocative Defence: Ideas and Practices in by Geoffrey Wiseman (auth.)

By Geoffrey Wiseman (auth.)

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Postmodernist' writings have gone further, seeing constructivism as a cosy, de-politicised critique of mainstream thought. , involving military capabilities and intentions). Rather, it has been about the subtle, but manipulative, discursive politics of identity. 35 While there is undoubtedly merit in postmodernist identity claims, this line of argument begs the question of why some states choose to `constitute their identity' (or, as a realist would have it, `protect their interests'; or, as a constructivist might argue, `promote norms') through offensive rather than defensive policies and practices.

Emphasising that the security dilemma is contestable, they posited three broad approaches to it within International Relations theory: it is inescapable (view of realists and rigid neorealists), it can be mitigated by a mature society of states (view of international society proponents and sophisticated neorealists), and it can be transcended by expanding the idea of security community between peoples (view of world order, world society, and some critical theorists). 36 A critical problem with security dilemma theorising, then, is that it emerged under Cold War conditions and was clearly influenced by them.

55 The Allies also sought to confine West Germany to a defensive role through conditions laid out for its entry into NATO, which followed WEU formation. FRG forces were limited to the NATO area; the citizenin-arms ethos, an important defensive principle, was to be emphasised; and FRG forces could be deployed only under the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR), not under national command. In subsequent decades, a recurring theme was that the FRG's capabilities, having been harnessed for a defensive role within NATO, were intended to contribute to Western defences without raising the spectre of a Fourth Reich.

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